Tuesday, January 28, 2020

Hypocrisy: the attitude-behaviour discrepancy

Hypocrisy: the attitude-behaviour discrepancy There are possibly no better examples of attitude-behaviour paradoxes than those of British politics: Diane Abbot, a Labour MP and avid socialist campaigner (who criticized Harriet Harman and Tony Blair for sending their children to selective state schools), created controversy when she sent her son to the private City of London School (Swift, 2003). Her actions did not correspond with her expressed attitudes; Diane was acting hypocritically. In general an attitude is defined as an overall evaluation of an object that is based on cognitive, affective and behavioural information (Maio Haddock, 2010, p. 4). Such attitudes can relate to abstract concepts (such as socialism) or concrete objects. An attitude is constructed of three distinct components; judgements of a cognitive, behavioural and affective nature (Breckler, 1984). Attitudes play a significant role in human cognition; particularly in attention (Holbrook, Berent, Krosnick, Visser, Boninger, 2005; Roskos-Ewoldsen Fazio, 1992), interpretation (Vallone, Ross, Lepper, 1985) and memory (Eagly, Chen, Chaiken, Shaw-Barnes, 1999). Attitudes influence information processing and therefore manipulate our subjective construct of reality. With attitudes conveying such influence over cognition we would expect their effects to be expressed behaviourally. However, despite such cognitive influences, attitudes are not always congruent with behaviour. A clear example of this was illustrated by Richard LaPiere (1934): Whilst travelling America with two Chinese individuals, in a time of heightened racial prejudice against Asians, LaPiere noted all 251 establishments they visited. Despite the current prejudice against Asians only 1 of 251 (0.004%) establishments refused service. However, six months later, when LaPiere sent questionnaires to the establishments 91% of 128 respondents claimed they would not accept Chinese patrons. The symbolic attitudes expressed in the questionnaire did not reflect the concrete behavioural actions. Such a counter-intuitive result prompted research in this area; in a review of 33 studies Wicker (1969) found the average attitude-behaviour correlations to be .15 (rarely exceeding .30, accounting for just 10% of variance). Such a low correlation led Wicker to suggest the rejection of the attitude concept. Yet for certain behaviours a strong attitude-behaviour link can be established. For example, Fazio and Williams (1986) found a strong correlation (r(121) = .782) in predicting individuals voting behaviour. In a more recent review, Sheeran and Taylor (1999) found a strong attitude-behaviour correlation (r+ = .45) in relation to condom usage; far exceeding Wickers (1969) analysis. Such inconsistencies illustrate the numerous complex processes that mediate the attitude-behaviour link. Subsequently, research turned to explaining under what conditions attitudes become action. Individual Differences Our behaviour is undoubtedly the product of thought and our thought processes can differ phenomenally from person to person (Cacioppo, Petty, Kao, Rodriguez, 1986). Thus, individual and cultural differences have been offered as an explanation to attitude-behaviour inconsistencies. Schwartz (1973) investigated the role of self-responsibility on the mediation of the attitude-behaviour link. The participants were measured for both their attitudes and the degree to which they assigned responsibility to themselves (to donate bone marrow). Schwartz (1973) found those high in self-responsibility ascription acted far more attitude consistently (r=.44) than those of low responsibility (r=.01); a significant contrast (p The degree to which an individual self-monitors has also been proposed as an attitude-behaviour moderator (Snyder Tanke, 1976). Those high in self-monitoring are more behaviourally variable across situations, as they are more aware of their expected character in a given social context, so attitudes are often overridden by social norms. Low self-monitors remain stable across situations, relatively unaware of the social context, acting in line with their attitudes. In an experiment where participants were requested to write counter-attitudinal essays (Snyder Tanke, 1976); low self-monitors were found to have high attitude-behaviour correlations (r(10) = +.65, p A further individual difference in attitude-behaviour congruence is cognitive processing; weather individuals engage in effortful issue-relevant cognition or not (Cacioppo, Petty, Kao, Rodriguez, 1986). Cacioppo et al (1986), in relation to a presidential election, found high-cognition individuals to have stronger attitude behaviour correspondence (r(40)=.86) than those of low-cognition (r(41)=.41); such a comparison was significant (Z = 3.71, p Weather it is due to cognitive preference, the degree of self-monitoring or responsibility ascription individual differences in attitude-behaviour congruence are clear. Individual preference for attitude inaction can account for some variation, yet the situation itself can also provide a bias. Situations Influence The power of the situation has been illustrated by many studies (for example: Asch, 1955; Milgram, 1963), it is therefore unsurprising that the situation can exert influence over attitude-behaviour congruency. The public or private nature of an attitude can influence overt behaviour. Public behaviour, due to increased salience of social norms, will involve more normative influence than private behaviour. Froming, Walker and Lopyan (1982) investigated the role of self attitude salience (using a mirror) or public salience (using an audience) on the attitude-behaviour link. Participants were selected based on their negative views of punishment and subject to an electrical shock teacher/learner task (similar to that of Milgram, 1963). The experimenter manipulated self salience against public salience whilst measuring what level of shock the teachers administered to the learners. Those in the mirror condition (attitude consistent) shocked far less than the participants in the evaluative audience condition (attitude inconsistent): t(23) = 3.64, p The reality of an attitude can effect behavioural outcomes; a bias to act unrealistically in hypothetical situations (Brown, Ajzen, Hrubes, 2003). In a contingent valuation scenario Brown et al (2003) found participants to be 48% more likely to donate $8 in a hypothetical senario in comparison to a realistic situation; indicating that more salient beliefs are activated by concrete situations than by hypothetical situations. Aditionally, Ajzen, Brown, and Carvajal (2004) illustrated that hypothetical intension correlate more so (r(120) = .51) than real situations (r(120) = .39). Such a bias could apply to socialism (being a theoretical construct) yet not to a childs education (a concrete action). The salience of attitudes and the salience of situational norms can influence attitude-behaviour congruence. In a court case scenario Snyder and Swann (1976) found that if attitudes were not made salient there was very little correspondence (r(56) = .06 .07, ns), yet if attitudes were made salient (with a short paragraph of text highlighting the importance of ones own view) attitudes did significantly correspond with behaviour, r(28) = .58, p The role of affective (the emotions associated with an attitude) and cognitive (attributes and beliefs associated with an attitude) control on behavioural action varies between situations. These two categories can be activated separately, by making a category salient. Millar Tesser (1986) successfully manipulated behaviour by making affective or cognitive controls salient; those made cognitively salient enacted more instrumental behaviour, whereas those made affectively salient enacted consumatory behaviour, F(1,59) = 8.85, p Another emotive motivator is that of vested interest. Vested interest essentially means that the consequence of a decision will personally affect an individual. The more than an issue directly effects an individual, the more logical processing that will take place and the higher attitude-behaviour congruence will be (Sivacek Crano, 1982). Sivacek and Crano (1982) analysed attitude-behaviour congruence in relation to vested interest of a proposed alcohol drinking age limit. Unsurprisingly, those most affected by the change were more attitude consistent (r(39) = .30) and those unaffected were most inconsistent (r(18) = .16). As the future of your child is somewhat determined by education, parents would likely have significant vested interest in this decision. Therefore, behaviour should be attitude consistent. The influences of the situation are huge; be it through the nature of the situation (its publicity, reality, potential affects or emotionality) or the salience of attitudes activated, it undoubtedly plays a role in mediating attitude-behaviour correspondence. Modelling attitude-behaviour congruence With the many factors that influence attitude-behaviour congruence a unified model seems doubtful. However, Ajzens (1991) theory of planned behaviour has found significant empirical support. The model focuses on the behavioural intention as a mediator between attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control (see figure 1). The model claims an attitude is the interaction between the individuals expectation of a behavioural outcome and its desirability. The subjective norms component refers to the normative beliefs about a given behaviour, in interaction with the motivation (i.e. high/low self monitors) to comply with these norms. The final component, perceived behavioural control, refers to the individuals judgement of their own ability to perform the behavioural action. Ajzen, Brown, Carvajal (2004) have shown that intentions correlate strongly with behaviour (r=.57), as do attitudes (r=.31), subjective norms (r=.27) and perceived behavioural control (r=.45). Since LaPiere (1934) and Wicker (1969) suggested the rejection of attitudes, research has established specifically when attitudes do lead to action. When facing the problem Why a socialist parent would send their child to a private school? many of the situational and individual variables mentioned could apply. For example, deciding a childs future is likely to be classed as a private behaviour and so should be less biased by social norms and more attitude dependent (Froming, Walker, Lopyan, 1982). Incongruously, the reality of such a situation is likely to dampen behavioural expression of attitudes (Ajzen, T. Brown, Carvajal, 2004; T. Brown, Ajzen, Hrubes, 2003). It is impossible to isolate why any behaviour is enacted as there are too many conflicting variables; behaviour is the sum of these many variables. Perhaps the principle of aggregation is more suitable for linking attitudes to behaviour: As any given behaviour is unlikely to relate to a single attitude; rather many attitudes, situations factors and individual differences interact to produce behavioural action (Ajzen, 1991; Fishbein Ajzen, 1974). The human mind subconsciously factors a huge number of variables producing a seamlessly effortless conclusion; far too many variables to consciously disentangle. Figures Figure 1 Reproduced from Ajzen (1991) p.182

Monday, January 20, 2020

Archery Vocabulary :: Archery Sports Bow and Arrow Essays

Archery Vocabulary Adaya: An arrow which has missed it's target, Japan. Alborium: A bow made from hazel, 11th century. Anak, Panah: An arrow, Malay. Anchor: The location to which the hand that draws the bow string is positioned to when at full draw. Anchor point: The place where an arrows nock is drawn to before release, usually the chin, cheek, ear or chest. Used to help aiming. Aquande-da: The leather bracer of the Omaha. Arbalest, Arbalete, Alblast, Arblast: The European crossbow of the Middle Ages. Arbalete a Cric: A crossbow drawn by a rack and pinion. Arbalete a Jalet, Pellet crossbow, Prodd: A crossbow set up to shoot stones instead of bolts. Arbalest a Tour: A crossbow drawn by a windlass. Arbalestina: A cruciform aperture in a wall of a fortification from which a crossbow was shot. Arbrier: The stock of a crossbow. Archer's guard: See bracer. Archer's paradox: In period bows (without a shelf or centre shot) the arrow which is properly shot will fly in the line of aim although the string propelling the arrow moves directly to the centre of the bow. The arrow in fact bends around the bow after release but after passing the bow returns to its proper line of flight. See Spine. Archer's ring, Thumb ring: An effective Eastern method of drawing the bow string while using the thumb protected by a ring. Archer's Stake: A sharpened wooden stake driven into the ground pointing away from an archer to protect against cavalry. Arcuballista: The ancient form of ballista. Arcubalista unis pedis: A crossbow which only needs one foot to assist drawing the string. Arrow: The missile shot by an archer from a bow. Arrow guide: See Majrà £, Solenarion. Arrowhead: The striking end of an arrow, usually made of a different type of material from the shaft such as iron, flint or bronze, depending the purpose of the arrow. Arrowsmith: A maker of metal arrowheads. Ascham: [1] A tall narrow cupboard for storage of bows and arrows. [2] Roger Ascham, 1515 - 1568, author of Toxophilus (1545). Arrow spacer: A circular piece of leather pierced by 24 holes used to keep the shafts of a sheath of arrows apart from each other and prevent damage to the flights during transport. Azusa-yumi: A small bow used in magic, Japan. Top B Back of the bow: The surface of the bow furthest from the archer when they hold the bow in the firing position. Archery Vocabulary :: Archery Sports Bow and Arrow Essays Archery Vocabulary Adaya: An arrow which has missed it's target, Japan. Alborium: A bow made from hazel, 11th century. Anak, Panah: An arrow, Malay. Anchor: The location to which the hand that draws the bow string is positioned to when at full draw. Anchor point: The place where an arrows nock is drawn to before release, usually the chin, cheek, ear or chest. Used to help aiming. Aquande-da: The leather bracer of the Omaha. Arbalest, Arbalete, Alblast, Arblast: The European crossbow of the Middle Ages. Arbalete a Cric: A crossbow drawn by a rack and pinion. Arbalete a Jalet, Pellet crossbow, Prodd: A crossbow set up to shoot stones instead of bolts. Arbalest a Tour: A crossbow drawn by a windlass. Arbalestina: A cruciform aperture in a wall of a fortification from which a crossbow was shot. Arbrier: The stock of a crossbow. Archer's guard: See bracer. Archer's paradox: In period bows (without a shelf or centre shot) the arrow which is properly shot will fly in the line of aim although the string propelling the arrow moves directly to the centre of the bow. The arrow in fact bends around the bow after release but after passing the bow returns to its proper line of flight. See Spine. Archer's ring, Thumb ring: An effective Eastern method of drawing the bow string while using the thumb protected by a ring. Archer's Stake: A sharpened wooden stake driven into the ground pointing away from an archer to protect against cavalry. Arcuballista: The ancient form of ballista. Arcubalista unis pedis: A crossbow which only needs one foot to assist drawing the string. Arrow: The missile shot by an archer from a bow. Arrow guide: See Majrà £, Solenarion. Arrowhead: The striking end of an arrow, usually made of a different type of material from the shaft such as iron, flint or bronze, depending the purpose of the arrow. Arrowsmith: A maker of metal arrowheads. Ascham: [1] A tall narrow cupboard for storage of bows and arrows. [2] Roger Ascham, 1515 - 1568, author of Toxophilus (1545). Arrow spacer: A circular piece of leather pierced by 24 holes used to keep the shafts of a sheath of arrows apart from each other and prevent damage to the flights during transport. Azusa-yumi: A small bow used in magic, Japan. Top B Back of the bow: The surface of the bow furthest from the archer when they hold the bow in the firing position.

Sunday, January 12, 2020

False Memories in Psychology Apa Style Essay

Condition in which a person’s identity and interpersonal relationships are centered around a memory of traumatic experience which is objectively false but in which the person strongly believes. Note that the syndrome is not characterized by false memories as such. We all have memories that are inaccurate. Rather, the syndrome may be diagnosed when the memory is so deeply ingrained that it orients the individual’s entire personality and lifestyle, in turn disrupting all sorts of other adaptive behavior†¦ False Memory Syndrome is especially destructive because the person assiduously avoids confrontation with any evidence that might challenge the memory. Thus it takes on a life of its own, encapsulated and resistant to correction. The person may become so focused on memory that he or she may be effectively distracted from coping with the real problems in his or her life. A false memory is a memory which is a distortion of an actual experience, or a confabulation of an imagined one. Many false memories involve confusing or mixing fragments of memory events, some of which may have happened at different times but which are remembered as occurring together. Many false memories involve an error in source memory. Some involve treating dreams as if they were playbacks of real experiences. Still other false memories are believed to be the result of the prodding, leading, and suggestions of therapists and counselors. Finally, Dr. Elizabeth Loftus has shown not only that it is possible to implant false memories, but that it is relatively easy to do so (Loftus, 1994). A memory of your mother throwing a glass of milk on your father when in fact it was your father who threw the milk is a false memory based upon an actual experience. You may remember the event vividly and be able to â€Å"see† the action clearly, but only corroboration by those present can determine whether your memory of the event is accurate. Distortions such as switching the roles of people in one’s memory are quite common. Some distortions are quite dramatic, such as the following examples of false memories due to confusion about the source of the memory. A woman accused memory expert Dr. Donald Thompson of having raped her. Thompson was doing a live interview for a television program just before the rape occurred. The woman had seen the program and â€Å"apparently confused her memory of him from the television screen with her memory of the rapist† (Schacter, 1996, 114). Jean Piaget, the great child psychologist, claimed that his earliest memory was of nearly being kidnapped at the age of 2. He remembered details such as sitting in his baby carriage, watching the nurse defend herself against the kidnapper, scratches on the nurse’s face, and a police officer with a short cloak and a white baton chasing the kidnapper away. The story was reinforced by the nurse and the family and others who had heard the story. Piaget was convinced that he remembered the event. However, it never happened. Thirteen years after the alleged kidnapping attempt, Piaget’s former nurse wrote to his parents to confess that she had made up the entire story. Piaget later wrote: â€Å"I therefore must have heard, as a child, the account of this story†¦ and projected it into the past in the form of a visual memory, which was a memory of a memory, but false† (Tavris). Remembering being kidnapped when you were an infant (under the age of three) is a false memory, almost by definition. The left inferior prefrontal lobe is undeveloped in infants, but is required for long-term memory. The elaborate encoding required for classifying and remembering such an event cannot occur in the infant’s brain. The brains of infants and very young children are capable of storing fragmented memories, however. Fragmented memories can be disturbing in adults. Schacter notes the case of a rape victim who could not remember the rape, which took place on a brick pathway. The words brick and path kept popping into her mind, but she did not connect them to the rape. She became very upset when taken back to the scene of the rape, though she didn’t remember what had happened there (Schacter 1996, 232). Whether a fragmented memory of infant abuse can cause significant psychological damage in the adult has not been scientifically established, though it seems to be widely believed by many psychotherapists. What is also widely believed by many psychotherapists is that many psychological disorders and problems are due to the repression of memories of childhood sexual abuse. On the other hand, many psychologists maintain that their colleagues doing repressed memory therapy (RMT) are encouraging, prodding, and suggesting false memories of abuse to their patients. Many of the recovered memories are of being sexually abused by parents, grandparents, and ministers. Many of those accused claim the memories are false and have sued therapists for their alleged role in creating false memories. It is as unlikely that all recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse are false as that they are all true. What is known about memory makes it especially difficult to sort out true from distorted or false recollections. However, some consideration should be given to the fact that certain brain processes are necessary for any memories to occur. Thus, memories of infant abuse or of abuse that took place while one was unconscious are unlikely to be accurate. Memories that have been directed by dreams or hypnosis are notoriously unreliable. Dreams are not usually direct playbacks of experience. Furthermore, the data of dreams is generally ambiguous. Hypnosis and other techniques that ply upon a person’s suggestibility must be used with great caution lest one create memories by suggestion rather than pry them loose by careful questioning. Furthermore, memories are often mixed; some parts are accurate and some are not. Separating the two can be a chore under ordinary circumstances. A woman might have consciously repressed childhood sexual abuse by a neighbor or relative. Some experience in adulthood may serve as a retrieval cue and she remembers the abuse. This disturbs her and disturbs her dreams. She has nightmares, but now it is her father or grandfather or priest who is abusing her. She enters RMT and within a few months she recalls vividly how her father, mother, grandfather, grandmother, priest, etc. , not only sexually abused her but engaged in horrific satanic rituals involving human sacrifices and cannibalism. Where does the truth lie? The patient’s memories are real and horrible, even if false. The patient’s suffering is real whether the memories are true or false. And families are destroyed whether the memories are true or false. Should such memories be taken at face value and accepted as true without any attempt to prove otherwise? Obviously it would be unconscionable to ignore accusations of sexual abuse. Likewise, it is unconscionable to be willing to see lives and families destroyed without at least trying to find out if any part of the memories of sexual abuse is false. It also seems inhumane to encourage patients to recall memories of sexual abuse (or of being abducted by aliens) unless one has a very good reason for doing so. Assuming all or most emotional problems are due to repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse is not a good enough reason to risk harming a patient by encouraging delusional beliefs and damaging familial relationships. Assuming that if you can’t disprove that a patient was abducted by aliens, then he probably was, is not a good enough reason. A responsible therapist has a duty to help a patient sort out delusion from reality, dreams and confabulations from truth, and real abuse from imagined abuse. If good therapy means the encouragement of delusion as standard procedure, then good therapy may not always be worth it. Finally, those who find that it is their duty to determine whether a person has been sexually abused or whether a memory of such abuse is a false memory, should be well versed in the current scientific literature regarding memory. They should know that all of us are pliable and suggestible to some degree, but that children are especially vulnerable to suggestive and leading questioning. They should also remember that children are highly imaginative and that just because a child says he or she remembers something does not mean that he or she does. However, when children say they do not remember something, to keep questioning them until they do remember it, is not good interrogation. Investigators, counselors, and therapists should also remind themselves that many charges and memories are heavily influenced by media coverage. People charged with or convicted of crimes have noticed that their chances of gaining sympathy increase if others believe they were abused as children. People with grudges have also noticed that nothing can destroy another person so quickly as being charged with sexual abuse, while at the same time providing the accuser with sympathy and comfort. Emotionally disturbed people are also influenced by what they read, see, or hear in the mass media, including stories of repressed abuse as the cause of emotional problems. An emotionally disturbed adult may accuse another adult of abusing a child, not because there is good evidence of abuse, but because the disturbed person imagines or fears abuse. In short, investigators should not rush to judgment.

Friday, January 3, 2020

Milestone Of Women s Rights Movement - 1736 Words

Xie He Milestone of women’s rights movement The Seneca Falls Convention, which was held on July 19-20, 1848 in the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Falls, New York, was referred to as the first women’s right convention. It was the milestone in the entire movement of women’ rights, which has positive lofty significance for all the women in the world, because through this convention an organized women’s right movement was initiated in the United States. Many historians associated the Seneca Convention as part of Elizabeth Cady Stanton’s biography, owing to the fact that she was the event’s main organizer. In fact, it was only recently when the Seneca Convention was recognized by historians as a significant event in history (Lerner, 3). Consequently, it was through this recognition that the convention was acknowledged as a result of women’s increased awareness of their rights during that period. This historical event paved the way for women to express their sentiments against disfranchisement, which means the deprivation of the civil rights including vote, education, working and owning private property. In the Declaration of Sentiments, they asserted â€Å"that women should have equality in every area of life: politics, the family, education, jobs, religion, and morals† (Wellman, 1). The originate of Seneca Falls Convention has many links to the abolishment and legal reform, which leads to the anti-slavery movement and legislation progress in the 1830sShow MoreRelatedAnimal Cruelty And Animal Justice Essay717 Words   |  3 PagesMany people who continue to eat meat and harm animals or do not concern themselves with animal rights often have no idea what happens at slaughterhouses and the effects that harming animals can have on individuals both personally and environmentally. 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